Brussels is once again trying to push through its 21st sanctions package against Russia. And once again, internal divisions are making it difficult.
EU ambassadors met Wednesday in what diplomats described as another attempt to sign off on a package that has already failed to reach unanimity in previous rounds. The proposed measures target 215 individuals and entities, including 94 financial institutions, and extend restrictions into energy, financial services, crypto, trade, and fisheries, the last a new sector for EU sanctions.
The problem, as always, is Greece.
Athens is blocking the package unless the EU softens restrictions on Russian liquefied natural gas scheduled to take effect Jan. 1, 2027. Greek energy companies have long-term LNG contracts with Russian suppliers, and the government argues that cutting off those flows without viable alternatives would damage its energy security. Other member states with similar concerns have kept quiet, letting Greece take the public blame.
The Orbán theory, tested
For years, Hungary’s Viktor Orbán was the convenient explanation for why EU sanctions packages took so long. Remove Orbán, the thinking went, and Europe could act decisively.
Hungary’s leadership has changed. Orbán is gone. The 21st package is still stuck.
One EU diplomat told the Kyiv Post: “Orbán was difficult. But he never actually blocked whole packages.”
The statement is revealing. It suggests that Hungary’s obstructionism was a convenient scapegoat for a deeper problem: the EU’s sanctions machinery depends on unanimity, and on any given issue, at least one of 27 member states has a commercial or political reason to say no.
What the package contains
The European Commission’s proposal focuses on “the sectors with the highest impact,” according to President Ursula von der Leyen. Energy measures aim to tighten existing restrictions. The financial services and crypto provisions target new channels Russia is using to bypass previous sanctions. Fishing restrictions, a first, are included as a minor but symbolically significant addition. A ban on entry for former Russian combatants rounds out the human targeting.
The package also targets entities involved in the production and supply of drone components, a growing concern as Ukraine’s deep-strike campaign relies on drones assembled with components routed through third countries.
Not the same story across the Atlantic
While the EU negotiates, the U.S. House this week passed a $1.15 trillion military bill that expands cooperation with Israel and funds the war on Iran. The contrast is instructive: Washington can push through massive spending with a simple majority. The EU needs 27 countries to agree on a list of names and entities, and one holdout on LNG can derail the whole thing.
The delay matters. Russia’s oil and gas revenues are already down 23 percent in the first half of 2026 compared to the same period last year, the lowest level since the full-scale invasion began in 2022. Tightening sanctions now could accelerate that decline. Waiting gives Moscow time to adapt, find new buyers, and re-route supply chains.
The EU knows this. The urgency statement from von der Leyen’s office makes the case clearly. The trouble is that knowing something and getting 27 governments to act on it are two different things.
The next attempt to reach consensus is expected in the coming days. No one in Brussels is betting on a quick result.